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mick silver
18th December 2013, 06:58 AM
Obama Abandons the NSACliff Kincaid — December 17, 2013
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Conservative U.S. District Judge Richard Leon’s ruling on Monday that the National Security Agency (NSA) metadata collection program is a violation of the Fourth Amendment generated an enormous amount of mostly sympathetic media coverage. Although NSA leaker Edward Snowden insists the ruling validates his release of stolen national security information, the court decision is likely to be thrown out by higher courts because it conflicts with established law and precedent.
Larry Klayman, the plaintiff in the NSA case, Klayman v. Obama, is not a far-leftist. Rather, he is a conservative public interest lawyer who runs Freedom Watch (http://www.freedomwatchusa.org/). Klayman says, “We cannot continue to live in a KGB-like police state,” and tells (http://www.wnd.com/2013/12/stunning-revelation-from-man-who-sued-nsa/) WorldNetDaily that he believes the NSA has been spying on him.
Leon doesn’t refer to the NSA as being like the KGB, but does refer to its surveillance technology as “almost-Orwellian,” a reference to the George Orwell novel about a police state, 1984.
Although Klayman’s victory in this case is getting tons of favorable publicity from the liberal media, it wasn’t too long ago that the liberals were viciously attacking Klayman for declaring (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/10/13/larry-klayman-obama-quran_n_4094589.html) at a rally that the U.S. is “ruled by a President who bows down to Allah,” and that Obama should put the Koran down. Klayman called (http://www.freedomwatchusa.org/klayman-responds-to-liberal-media-attacks) the statements “metaphorical.” His “Reclaim America Now” coalition (http://www.reclaimamericanow.net/) includes conservative, libertarian, and Christian groups and individuals.
In Klayman’s NSA court case, it is apparent that the Obama administration, for whatever reason, did not aggressively defend the intelligence agency.
A careful reading of the ruling shows that the judge noted, in a footnote, that “The Government could have requested permission to present additional, potentially classified evidence in camera, but it chose not to do so. Although the Government has publicly asserted that the NSA’s surveillance programs have prevented fifty-four terrorist attacks, no proof of that has been put before me.”
The term “in camera” means evidence introduced under guarded circumstances in the court chambers.
In other words, the Obama administration consciously decided not to defend the program before this particular judge. It is not clear if the fear of leaks, or some other factor, was involved.
In any case, Leon acknowledges in his opinion that the collection of this kind of data by the NSA has already been upheld by other U.S. courts in such cases as United States v. Moalin (http://www.investigativeproject.org/case/498).
In the Moalin case, the NSA collected data used by the FBI to convict a Somali immigrant of conspiring to provide material support to a foreign terrorist group. “Under pressure from Congress,” reported The Washington Post, “senior intelligence officials have offered it as their primary example of the unique value of a National Security Agency program that collects tens of millions of phone records from Americans.”
Pro Publica, a “Journalism in the Public Interest” group supported by the Open Society Foundation of George Soros (http://www.propublica.org/about/supporters/), has attacked the NSA’s claims that it helped thwart terrorism, and is cited as an authoritative source by Judge Leon in his ruling.
But regardless of the specifics in this case, the U.S. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court has approved the NSA program on dozens of occasions.
A declassified opinion (http://www.uscourts.gov/uscourts/courts/fisc/br13-09-primary-order.pdf) from the court regarding a government request for data said, “…the Court considered whether the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution imposed any impediment to the government’s proposed collection. Having found none in accord with U.S. Supreme Court precedent, the Court turned to Section 215 to determine if the proposed collection was lawful and that Orders requested from this Court should issue. The Court found that under the terms of Section 215 and under operation of the canons of statutory construction such Orders were lawful and required, and the requested Orders were therefore issued.”
The Associated Press quoted (http://abcnews.go.com/Technology/wireStory/judge-deals-nsa-defeat-bulk-phone-collection-21236320) Stephen Vladeck, a national security law expert at the American University law school, as saying that 15 different judges on the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court have found the data collection to be constitutional. “There’s a disconnect between the 15 judges on the FISA court who seem to think it’s a no-brainer that Section 215 is constitutional, and Judge Leon, who seems to think otherwise,” he said.
The AP also reported that Robert F. Turner, a professor at the University of Virginia’s Center for National Security Law, “predicted Leon’s decision was highly likely to be reversed on appeal. He said the collection of telephone metadata—the issue in Monday’s ruling—already has been addressed and resolved by the Supreme Court.”
Although attorney Klayman insists NSA surveillance has made the U.S. into a “KGB-like police state,” it is NSA leaker Edward Snowden who is now living in Russia under a grant of asylum, and is believed to be under the control of the KGB, now called the FSB.
Former Republican Senator Jon Kyl (AZ) says (http://www.aim.org/aim-column/edward-snowden-labeled-a-modern-day-alger-hiss/) Snowden is “this generation’s Alger Hiss” and “may be one of the worst traitors in the history of our nation.” Alger Hiss is the State Department official who was convicted of perjury in 1950 for denying he was a Soviet spy; he served 44 months in prison.
Former Reagan National Security Council staffer Oliver North says Snowden will be killed by the Russians when they are done milking him for information.
Rick Ledgett, an NSA official leading a damage assessment probe into the Edward Snowden leaks, told the CBS “60 Minutes” show (http://www.cbsnews.com/news/nsa-speaks-out-on-snowden-spying/) on Sunday that “it’s worth having a conversation about” giving Snowden amnesty.
It is not clear that members of Congress would approve the NSA or the Obama administration dropping the espionage charges against Snowden and giving him amnesty or immunity from prosecution for the crimes he committed.
Perhaps for this reason, the White House has backed away from talk of amnesty, saying (http://www.usatoday.com/story/theoval/2013/12/16/obama-snowden-nsa-nsc-caitlin-hayden/4038753/) through the National Security Council, “Mr. Snowden is accused of leaking classified information and faces felony charges here in the United States. He should be returned to the U.S. as soon as possible, where he will be accorded full due process and protections.”

mick silver
18th December 2013, 07:06 AM
Podcast: Spying with Avatars by Nicole Collins Bronzan (http://www.propublica.org/site/author/nicole_collins/)ProPublica, Dec. 12, 2013, 11:40 a.m.


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Listen NowDownload this episode (http://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/s3.amazonaws.com/propublica/assets/podcast/28.NSA_Justin_Elliott.mp3)

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As we reported with The New York Times this week, American and British spies have infiltrated online fantasy games, thinking them ripe for use by militants. Justin Elliott joins Stephen Engelberg in the Storage Closet Studio this week to talk about avatars, spies, and the punchline-inspiring (http://www.thedailyshow.com/full-episodes/mon-december-9-2013-husain-haqqani)intersection of the two.
As shown in the documents leaked from former National Security Agency contractor Edward J. Snowden to The Guardian, the NSA and its British counterpart, Government Communications Headquarters, have created make-believe characters to snoop and to try to recruit informers, while also collecting data and contents of communications between players, who number in the millions across the globe.




The intelligence community is so invested in this new arena, Elliott reports, that they needed a "deconfliction" group to solve redundancies as spies from many agencies bumped into each other in “Second Life.”
But that enthusiasm is not necessarily unfounded.
“One thing that I found -- in the course of my reporting -- that I found really interesting was a survey from this period when the games were getting very popular that found something around 30 percent of people who played these games and responded in this survey, by an academic researcher, said that they had shared personal information or secrets with their friends within the game that they had never shared with their friends in the real world,” Elliott says. “So I think we can all have sort of a few laughs about this, but for some people, these games really can function as sort of private spaces, which why I think, in part, the documents raise questions about privacy and legality of what the agencies were doing.”
You can listen to this podcast on iTunes (http://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?id=352685624) and Stitcher (http://stitcher.com/s/profile.php?fid=20308). For more on this investigation, see:


Main Story: World of Spycraft: Intelligence Agencies Spied in Online Games (http://www.propublica.org/article/world-of-spycraft-intelligence-agencies-spied-in-online-games)
Discussion: What Are Intelligence Agencies Doing in Virtual Worlds? (http://www.propublica.org/getinvolved/item/what-are-intelligence-agencies-doing-in-virtual-worlds)

mick silver
18th December 2013, 09:00 AM
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Judge Leon and the NSA
Outlawing the Metadata Programby BINOY KAMPMARK

People have an entirely different relationship with phones than they did 34 years ago.Judge Richard J. Leon in Klayman v Obama, US District Court for the District of Columbia, Dec 16, 2013In the US political system, courts can be the ditchers and the saviours. They can be the government’s undertakers, or its buriers. This is the great hypocrisy of the Anglophone legal system: judges who make laws but claim they do not.
The recent round of law making regarding the National Security Agency may prove to be particularly important. In the decision of Klayman et al v Obama, plaintiffs Larry Clayman and Charles Strange, who challenged the constitutionality of various intelligence gathering practices by the US government “relating to the wholesale collection of the phone metadata of all US citizens” were not entirely disappointed. In Judge Leon’s view, such collection was “almost Orwellian” and in possible violation of the US Constitution.
Judge Richard J. Leon of the US District Court for the District of Columbia is not an easy one to pick. He throws in references to the Beatles and Ringo Starr in his judgments. He is not bound “by judicial sobriety”, to quote a statement by Sheryl Gay Stolberg of the New York Times (Dec 16).
The judge’s decisions can make colourful reading. He was nominated on September 10, 2001 by President George W. Bush and confirmed in 2002. He proved favourable to the government regarding the right (or in that case, non-right) of the Guantánamo detainees to due process. He sees himself as an expert of congressional investigations. As he suggested, somewhat wistfully, “We’re the oncologists of the legal profession” (New York Times, Dec 16).
In 2010, he regarded an obscenity case mounted by the prosecution against John A. Stagliano, a California pornographic producer, as “woefully insufficient.” In 2012, he took his judicial razor to the reasoning of the Food and Drug Administration in its use of imported sodium thiopental in executions. In his view, the FDA “appears to be simply wrapping in the flag of law enforcement discretion to justify its authority and masquerade an otherwise seemingly callous indifference to the health consequences of those imminently facing the executioner’s needle.”
The judicial oncologist may well have sided with the Bush administration in 2005, ruling that foreigners kept at Guantánamo could not be granted writs of habeas corpus, but he came storming back with his decision in 2008 that five Algerian men had been unlawfully held at the base for almost seven years. “Seven years of waiting for our legal system to give them an answer to a question so important is, in my judgment, more than plenty.”
The greatest stumbling block in the reasoning of such justices as Mr Leon remains the decision of Smith v Maryland (1979). The US Supreme Court demonstrated a remarkable ignorance about intercept technology, amputating the law of privacy in one fail swoop in doubting, “That people in general entertain any actual expectation of privacy in the numbers they dial. All telephone users realise that they must ‘convey’ phone numbers to the telephone company, since it is through telephone company switching equipment that their calls are completed. All subscribers realise, morever, that the phone company has facilities for making permanent records of the numbers they dial, for they see a list of their long-distance (toll) calls on their monthly calls.” What the company does goes. He who knows what he is getting into, consents.
As far as Judge Leon was concerned, Smith v Maryland had gathered dust on the shelves of judicial deliberation, an anachronism in the face of modern technological changes. This was the era before metadata and cell phones, much different from a pen register device focused on a single suspect. “I cannot possibly navigate these uncharted Fourth Amendment waters using as my North Star a case that predates the rise of cell phones.”
Judge Leon instead finds merit in Justice Sotomayor’s decision inUnited States v Jones (2012), where it was held that installing a Global Positioning System (GPS) on a vehicle and thereby using it to track its movements was a search under the Fourth Amendment. While Judge Leon knows he might be treading dangerously amidst the thorns of legal precedent, he puts his faith in the majority ruling statement ofJones – “[a]t bottom, we must ‘assur[e] preservation of that degree if privacy against government that existed when the Fourth Amendment was adopted.”
In Jones, it was accepted that the metadata derived from each phone “reflects a wealth of detail about their familial, political, professional, religious, and sexual associations.” The program in Smith lasted thirteen days. The NSA program in Klayman went for five years and “there is a very real prospect that the program will go on for as long as America is combating terrorism, which realistically could be forever!”
In so doing, the judge sidestepped the reasoning of the United States Court of Appeal, Ninth Circuit decision in City of Ontario v Quon(2010). There, the court felt that the judiciary should not seek to speculate on what new technologies could do before their means had been tested. In their view, one should restrain applying law before the consequences are known. As stated in that case, “At present, it is uncertain how workplace norms, and the law’s treatment of them, will evolve.”
Law and technology rarely dance in step. Rights and liberties have a habit of being frayed at the behest of new discoveries in world of science and technology. Samuel D. Warren and Louis Brandeis knew what that meant when they pondered how privacy might be affected by the emergence of intrusive photography in the fourth volume of theHarvard Law Review (1890). Technology transforms, but so do the laws associated with that move.
In any case, the NSA had not made its case for the use of the technology. In Judge Leon’s words, “Given the limited record before me at this pointing in the litigation – most notably, the utter lack of evidence that a terrorist attack has ever been prevented because searching the NSA database was faster than any other investigative tactics – I have serious doubts about the efficacy of the metadata collection program as a means of conducting time-sensitive investigations in cases involving imminent threats to terrorism.”
If this decision can be given legs, it may go far. The judges in the upper echelons of the US judicial system may well shoot it down when the time comes – the decision of Smith may well prove to be a Banquo, reminding Judge Leon where he went wrong. Legal commentators are not giving the decision much staying power. Paul Rosenzweig, who served as Deputy Assistance Secretary for Policy in the Department of Homeland Security regards it as “prolix” and “not of long duration” (Lawfare, Dec 16). We can only hope that the opposition fires blanks. Reform is needed, and it is, so far as we can see, struggling in the legislative arena.
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was as Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com