The Pinochet File: How U.S. Politicians, Banks and Corporations Aided Chilean Coup, D

[monty]

"Make the Economy Scream": Secret Documents Show Nixon, Kissinger Role Backing 1973 Chile Coup



The Pinochet File: How U.S. Politicians, Banks and Corporations Aided Chilean Coup, Dictatorship



GuestsPeter Kornbluh (http://gold-silver.us/forum/safari-reader://www.democracynow.org/appearances/peter_kornbluh)author of The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability, just updated in a newly released edition for the 40th anniversary of the Chilean Coup. He is also director of the Chile Documentation Project at the National Security Archive. He just returned from Chile, and his latest article for The Nation magazine is "Chileans Confront Their Own 9/11."




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We continue our coverage of the 40th anniversary of the overthrow of Chilean President Salvador Allende with a look at the critical U.S. role under President Richard Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger. Peter Kornbluh, who spearheaded the effort to declassify more than 20,000 secret documents that revealed the role of the CIA and the White House in the Chilean coup, discusses how Nixon and Kissinger backed the Chilean military’s ouster of Allende and then offered critical support as it committed atrocities to cement its newfound rule. Kornbluh is author of the newly updated book, "The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability," and director of the Chile Documentation Project at the National Security Archive. In 1970, the CIA’s deputy director of plans wrote in a secret memo: "It is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup. ... It is imperative that these actions be implemented clandestinely and securely so that the USG [the U.S. government] and American hand be well hidden." That same year President Nixon ordered the CIA to "make the economy scream" in Chile to "prevent Allende from coming to power or to unseat him." We’re also joined by Juan Garcés, a former personal adviser to Allende who later led the successful legal effort to arrest and prosecute coup leader Augusto Pinochet.

See Part 2 of this interview here. (http://www.democracynow.org/blog/2013/9/10/the_pinochet_file_how_us_politicians_banks_corpora tions_aided_chilean_coup_dictatorship)


TRANSCRIPTThis is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AARON MATÉ: I wanted to ask about the U.S. role in all of this, and let’s turn to a recording of President Richard Nixon speaking in a March 1972 phone call, acknowledging he’d given instructions, quote, to "do anything short of a Dominican-type action" to keep the elected president of Chile, Salvador Allende, from assuming office. The phone conversation was captured by his secret Oval Office taping system. In this clip, you hear President Nixon telling his press secretary, Ron Ziegler, he had given orders to undermine Chilean democracy to the U.S. ambassador, but, quote, "he just failed. ... He should have kept Allende from getting in." Listen closely.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Yeah.



OPERATOR: Mr. Ziegler.



RON ZIEGLER: Yes, sir.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: What did you—have you said anything, Ron, with regard to the ITT in Chile? How did you handle—



RON ZIEGLER: The State Department dealt with that today.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Oh, they did?



RON ZIEGLER: Yes, sir.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: What did they do? Deny it?



RON ZIEGLER: They denied it, but they were cautious on how they dealt with the Korry statement, because they were afraid that might backfire.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Why? What did Korry say?



RON ZIEGLER: Well, Korry said that he had received instructions to do anything short of a Dominican-type—alleged to have said that.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Korry did?



RON ZIEGLER: Right.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: So how did—how did that go? He put that out?



RON ZIEGLER: Well, Anderson received that from some source. Al Haig is sitting with me now.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Oh, yeah.



RON ZIEGLER: It was a report contained in an IT&T—



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Oh, yeah.



RON ZIEGLER: —thing, but—



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Well, he was. He was instructed to.



RON ZIEGLER: Well, but—



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: I hoped—but he just failed, the son of a [bleep]. That’s his main problem. He should have kept Allende from getting in. Well—



RON ZIEGLER: In any event, State has denied—



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Has State Department handled it?



RON ZIEGLER: —it today, and they referred to—to your comments about Latin America and Chile and—



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Yeah, fine.



RON ZIEGLER: —and so, you just refer to that on that one.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Fine, OK.



RON ZIEGLER: Yes, sir.



PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON: Right.


AARON MATÉ: That’s President Nixon speaking in 1972. Peter Kornbluh of the National Security Archive, can explain to us what Nixon is talking about here, and put it in context of the U.S. role in destabilizing Chile?


PETER KORNBLUH: Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger launched a preemptive strike against Salvador Allende. They decided to stop him from being inaugurated as president of Chile. He hadn’t even set foot in the Moneda Palace, when Nixon and Kissinger just simply decided to change the fate of Chile. Nixon instructed the CIA to make the Chilean economy scream, to use as many men as possible. The first plan was to actually keep Allende from being inaugurated as president. And then, when that plan failed, after the assassination of the Chilean commander-in-chief that the United States was behind, General René Schneider, Kissinger then went to Nixon and said, "Allende is now president. The State Department thinks we can coexist with him, but I want you to make sure you tell everybody in the U.S. government that we cannot, that we cannot let him succeed, because he has legitimacy. He is democratically elected. And suppose other governments decide to follow in his footstep, like a government like Italy? What are we going to do then? What are we going to say when other countries
start to democratically elect other Salvador Allendes? We will—the world balance of power will change," he wrote to Nixon in a secret document, "and our interests in it will be changed fundamentally."


AMY GOODMAN: Talk about Kissinger’s role. Most recently, people may have seen Stephen Colbert dancing around him, the—Henry Kissinger, of course, still alive, considered an elder statesmen by most of the press in the United States. Give us a thumbnail sketch of his role.


PETER KORNBLUH: I just got back from Chile, and I did a number of TV shows there, and everybody said, "We’re trying to hold our own people accountable here for the atrocities that took place during the Pinochet regime, but why isn’t Henry Kissinger being held accountable? Why isn’t the United States held accountable for the role that they played in the atrocities that were committed in Chile, starting with the coup itself and then going on with the repression that followed?" And Kissinger really is the—not only the key survivor of the policy-making team of that era, but truly when you go through the declassified documents that are laid out in the book, The Pinochet File, you see that he is the singular most important figure in engineering a policy to overthrow Allende and then, even more, to embrace Pinochet and the human rights violations that followed.


He had aides who were saying to him, "It’s unbecoming for the United States to intervene in a country where we are not—our national security interests are not threatened." And he pushed them away. "Nope, we can’t—we can’t let this imitative phenomena—we have to stop Allende from being successful." He had aides that came to him the day after the coup and said, "I’m getting reports that there’s 10,000 bodies in the streets. People are being slaughtered." And he said, "Go tell Congress that this new military regime is better for our interests than the old government in Chile." And we have this fabulous document of him talking to Pinochet, a meeting in 1976, in which his aides have told him, "You should tell Pinochet to stop violating human rights." And instead he says to Pinochet, "You did a great service to the West in overthrowing Allende. We want to support you, not hurt you."


AMY GOODMAN: In The Pinochet File, you quote an assessment by the CIA’s directorate of operations, who advised President Nixon and Henry Kissinger on covert action in Chile. He argued that far from being a pawn of the communists, Allende would, quote, "be hard for the Communist Party and for Moscow to control." He also said covert operations to stop Allende from becoming president would be, quote, "worse than useless. Any indication that we are behind a legal mickey mouse or some hardnosed play exacerbate relations even further. ... I am afraid we will be repeating the errors we made in 1959 and 1960 when we drove Fidel Castro into the Soviet camp." You also quote Kissinger’s top aide on Latin America, Viron Vaky, who wrote in a top-secret cable, "it is far from given that wisdom would call for covert action programs; the consequences could be disastrous. The cost-benefit-risk ratio is not favorable." Peter Kornbluh?


PETER KORNBLUH: That’s my point. There were people inside the U.S. government pressing Kissinger not to take this course, and he completely shunted them aside, pushed Nixon forward to as aggressive but covert a policy as possible to make Allende fail, to destabilize Allende’s ability to govern, to create what Kissinger called a coup climate.


In the new edition of The Pinochet File, we have the actual transcript of Nixon and Kissinger’s conversation, their first phone conversation after the coup took place, in which Nixon says to Kissinger, "Well, our hand doesn’t show in this one, does it?" And Kissinger said, "We didn’t do it," referring to direct participation in the coup. "We helped them." He says, "I mean, we helped them. [Blank]," which I am sure is a reference to the CIA, "created the conditions as best as possible." And this is the first conversation between Nixon and Kissinger after the coup. They’re basically laying out the role of the United States and setting—creating a coup climate in Chile, facilitating the coup.


What’s even worse—this was long before your program existed, but Richard Nixon is already complaining about the liberal crap in the media, and Kissinger says, "Yeah, the liberal—the media is bleeding because a communist government was overthrown," you know, like as if the media is on the side of Allende. They’re focusing on the atrocities that are taking place. And Kissinger says, "In the Eisenhower period, we would be heroes."


AMY GOODMAN: In this last minute, Juan Garcés, it is interesting, though you experienced the intensity of what happened 40 years ago with Salvador Allende ultimately killing himself in the palace as the bombs rained down, you are focused on today and what is happening today—you brought Pinochet to justice. You had Baltasar Garzón, through the famous Spanish judge, issue an arrest warrant for him when he took a visit to London, and he was held there, although ultimately sent back to Chile. What lesson can we learn, in these last 25 seconds? And we’ll continue the conversation after the show.


JUAN GARCÉS: A matter of how do you understand the world. Should you go through peaceful means or using bombs and invasions? The law is very clear. Since ’40, ’45, 1945, the United Nations Charter, after a big World War—World War—decided that the sovereignty and independence of the countries should be respected and that all the nations should fight to avoid genocidal policies


AMY GOODMAN: We have to leave it there, but part two we’ll post at democracynow.org. Juan Garcés, Spanish lawyer, ex-aide to Salvador Allende, and Peter Kornbluh. The latest book, The Pinochet File.

http://www.democracynow.org/2013/9/10/40_years_after_chiles_9_11

[Shami-Amourae]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amy_Goodman
Goodman is of Orthodox Jewish (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orthodox_Judaism) heritage; her maternal grandfather was an Orthodox Rabbi.


http://washingtonnote.com/twn_up_fls/amy%20goodman.jpg


*Greedily rubs hands*

"That's right goyim. Pinochet was a horrible man. Listen to me goyim."

http://mail.blockyourid.com/~gbpprorg/obama/nytimes_ww2/shlomo.gif

[Shami-Amourae]

Listen @7:15

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5huvKYPxH-0

[Shami-Amourae]

ANOTHER JEW: PETER KORNBLUH
http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/nsa/bio_peter.jpg

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c9/Judenstern_JMW.jpg

[monty]

The Pinochet File: How U.S. Politicians, Banks and Corporations Aided Chilean Coup, Dictatorship


JUAN GARCÉS: It’s a matter of conviction. This man was a criminal, of course, and deserves to make—to be made accountable for those crimes. So, someone essayed to kill him. There was an attempt against his life. My way of thinking is different. It’s to work to collect, to gather evidences about his crimes, to look for a court of justice, and wait for the moment in which the political conditions could make him accountable. And that happened after the end of the Cold War. And we applied international treaties—European Convention on Extradition and the international Convention Against Torture—and we found a court in Europe and applied the principles of universal jurisdiction. And we got Pinochet.


And the difference between a killing, a murder, and a legal proceeding, you can see here the consequences. Had he been killed in the attempted assassination in 1960—1986, things in Chile will be very different of what came after legal proceedings, where the crimes were openly explained in front of an independent court. And the Chilean society since then, as Pinochet was arrested in 1999, and since then until now, the big majority of Chileans agree that the transition to democracy in Chile begins the day in which Pinochet was put in front of a court of justice.


AMY GOODMAN: Peter Kornbluh, if you can talk about this remarkable event from a U.S. perspective, what actually took place? So, '73, Pinochet rises to power. He rules for 17 years. In 1989, he goes to the doctor in London. He's also, what, meeting with the former prime minister, Thatcher, and he is certainly treated as a dignitary. Where were you when he was arrested?


PETER KORNBLUH: No, in 1998, October 16th, it was a day that everybody in the Chile community remembers. General Pinochet—because of the work of Juan Garcés and Baltasar Garzón and some key people in London, take advantage of the fact that Pinochet is having a kind of minor surgery at a place called the Clinic in London, and they file a request for his arrest under the European counterterrorism convention, because Pinochet committed major acts of international terrorism. He spearheaded Operation Condor, which was a rendition, kidnapping and assassination program around the world, murdered Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt in Washington, D.C.


AMY GOODMAN: The former Chilean ambassador to the United States.


PETER KORNBLUH: The former Chilean ambassador, a friend of Juan Garcés’s.


AMY GOODMAN: In 1976—


PETER KORNBLUH: In 19—


AMY GOODMAN: —on Embassy Row in Washington, D.C.


PETER KORNBLUH: That’s exactly right. So, these new laws that have come into place facilitated a request for his interrogation and arrest. And this was a transformational moment. It was a transformational moment for Chileans. It was a transformational moment for people in the United States. It was a transformational moment for the human rights movement, which became inspired. And what we call the Pinochet precedent or the Pinochet effect now has led to prosecutions of people like Alberto Fujimori in Peru and Ríos Montt in Guatemala and cases in Spain against the murderers of the Jesuits in El Salvador, just a cascade of efforts—


AMY GOODMAN: Hissène Habré now in Senegal, the former dictator of Chad.


PETER KORNBLUH: A cascade of efforts to hold the Pinochets of the world accountable for their atrocities. So, it couldn’t have been a more important, fundamental event in our recent history. And, you know, I just want to take the opportunity to be on your show and say that Juan Garcés is a hero, and what happened in Spain was a heroic, heroic effort. And the fact that there’s this straight line from 40 years ago, to being at La Moneda to then being in Spain and being able to hold Pinochet accountable and create a very different set of circumstances for the dictators of the futures is just a tremendous achievement.


AARON MATÉ: Peter, what has been the U.S. government response to this concept of universal jurisdiction?


PETER KORNBLUH: Well, there’s a bunch of issues. In the aftermath of Pinochet’s arrest, we in Washington took advantage of pressing the Clinton administration to declassify the deep—the deep, dark holdings of the U.S. government on Chile, on the Pinochet era, and eventually the CIA operations in Chile itself. And the Clinton administration actually deserves a lot of credit. People inside that administration despised Pinochet. Some of them had been Allende supporters in their youth. And the president was convinced to order a special declassification of 24,000 documents, including, in the end, 2,000 operational CIA documents, which we never would have seen otherwise, that recorded the U.S. role in Chile, Nixon and Kissinger’s role in undermining democracy and supporting dictatorship. So this was the initial response of the United States.


Overall, the United States doesn’t like the concept of universal jurisdiction, because they don’t want other countries to prosecute U.S. officials for atrocities committed around the world. And, of course, we now have a whole team from the Bush administration who could easily be prosecuted just as Pinochet was prosecuted.


AMY GOODMAN: So how are they affected when they go abroad, including President Bush, former President Bush?


PETER KORNBLUH: Well, I mean, certainly there have been efforts made in Europe to question George Bush, to question Donald Rumsfeld. There have been—we were with people last night, Juan and I, from the Center for Constitutional Rights, Michael Ratner and others, who have tried to bring cases against former Bush administration officials for torture, for rendition, for death, in the name of fighting terrorism.


AMY GOODMAN: What do you see could happen to Henry Kissinger?


PETER KORNBLUH: Well, Henry Kissinger is 91 years old. And let me just take the opportunity to say that as Chileans are pushing their—their society to atone for what happened 40 years ago, the issue is whether Kissinger will step up and acknowledge and apologize for the crimes that he supported and helped to perpetrate in Chile. He’s the last surviving member of that team.


There’s—Kissinger and, to some degree, Bush have been what we call Pinocheted. This is a new verb in the lexicon of the human rights movement since Juan Garcés’s accomplishment in getting Pinochet arrested. They have faced the issue of, when they travel abroad, will they be subpoenaed and questioned for crimes that they supported or participated in or instigated? And so, you have a different situation for people like Henry Kissinger. He doesn’t freely travel abroad. He now—particularly after Pinochet was arrested in 1998, he would send emissaries to make sure there wasn’t going to be a problem. He went to France at one point, in 1999, I think, or 2000, and was served with a subpoena and promptly left. He was going to go to Brazil to receive a huge prize, and a judge in Brazil said, "I’m going to question him on Operation Condor," and Kissinger cancelled his trip. So—and Bush himself, George Bush, has also faced, to some degree, this issue. I think the question is—you know, as Juan Garcés will say, Pinochet seemed untouchable for years and years and years, and then, suddenly, he wasn’t, because of the hard work.


AMY GOODMAN: Juan Garcés, what do you think should happen with Henry Kissinger? By the way, I should also just say, for folks who are called Juan in this country, it is spelled Juan Garcés, but the Catalonian form of Juan is Juan. So, Juan Garcés, what should happen with Henry Kissinger?


JUAN GARCÉS: Well, some of the victims of those crimes that we are talking about filed in the district court of Washington, D.C., a claim against Kissinger. Unfortunately, the date was not positive. That was the day before 9/11/2001. So—


PETER KORNBLUH: Thirteen years ago today.


JUAN GARCÉS: Yes, exactly. And so, this claim didn’t—was not successful, because the district court said that the U.S. court of justice cannot review the decisions taken by the State Department high officers, even if those decisions are related to crimes against humanity and genocidal acts. This decision was confirmed by the appeal court. The Supreme Court of justice didn’t accept to review those decisions. I hope—I think that this is very unfortunate. The leaders of the United States have extraordinary powers. If they are accomplices or commit crimes against humanity, they should—abroad, using the power of the United States to commit big crimes abroad, they should be made accountable. They couldn’t—they cannot be tried abroad, because no country, no court in the world dares to open a serious criminal case against a higher—a high officer of the United States. And if the U.S. courts say that because of the separation of power they can no more investigate those crimes, the outcome is absolute impunity. And I think that is unacceptable, and that is a danger for we all.
And, in fact, you are talking about this Pinochet case—let me tell you that I am just following the path that was opened by the U.S. government in 1945. When the World War II was ending, there was a discussion among the leaders of the United Nations: What to do with those big criminals that used the power of the Third Reich and for committing massive crimes? And then there was a discussion. For the prime minister of Britain, Churchill, the answer was very clear: You put them against the wall, ta-ta-ta-ta, finish, you kill them. That is all. Stalin agreed with that. But not Roosevelt nor the administration, the American administration. They said, "No, no. These people should face a tribunal, where their crimes should be exposed." And then there was the Nuremberg trial. That is the beginning of the current international criminal law. So the roots of the international law presently are in the United States’ strategical thinking for the world after World War II.


AMY GOODMAN: As you talk about international law, can I digress for one minute, before we talk about the current election in Chile, and ask you about your thoughts on Syria? Because what’s often raised right now is that it’s a violation of a hundred-year-old law about the use of chemical weapons. And President Obama drew this red line. He says the international community drew it in the ban against the use of chemical weapons. What are your thoughts on what should happen in Syria? Do you think the U.S. should respond to this, though it’s not completely—the facts are not in on exactly who did this in Syria, but should strike Syria militarily?


JUAN GARCÉS: Well, in my view, the United States, Syria and the world is facing now the consequences of a bad strategical options two years ago in Libya. According to the international legal norms, the United Nations Charter, the legitimacy for using force against a sovereign government in an independent country is in the Security Council of the United Nations. It’s the only organ that can take those decisions. And the United States asked the permission from the United Nations Security Council to protect the civilians in the eastern side of Libya against bombing by the Gaddafi government. And the Security Council agree on that—great. And then an exclusion zone was created for protecting the civilians.


What was a mistake, in my point of view, that they turned this authorization from the Security Council in a regime change, accepting to use this authorization from the Security Council to bomb other areas of Chile—of Libya and permitting the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime. Then the Russians and the Chinese, they were looking: What has been done with the authorization?


AMY GOODMAN: That they agreed to.


JUAN GARCÉS: Use of force—that they—Libya. They [inaudible] it. "That is the last time. We will not accept that once again that we give the authorization for that, and that is a pretext for something that we didn’t authorize." And that is the tragedy for the Syrian people since two years ago, when the Security Council is blocked. Now, what I realize that is a proposal for solving the situation in Syria, you have here the position that has been taken by the U.S. executive, and a great [inaudible] in other countries about the use of force outside authorization of the Security Council, legitimate force. And I realize that some governments—for example, the German government—is saying that the people that is responsible for these chemical attacks should be made responsible in the International Criminal Court of justice. The—


AMY GOODMAN: Which the U.S. has not signed onto.


JUAN GARCÉS: But the Security Council can order that these people in Syria that has committed these crimes be sent to the International Criminal Court. This is a legal solution. And certainly, the diplomatic possibilities are not exhausted. And I consider that after the experiences, the fiascos in Iraq invasion, and the answer to the attack to New York, invading another country—well, look at what happened here in New York 10 years ago. There was a terrorist attack. To answer to this terrorist attack, there were several ways. The option was to invade a country, make the violence. What is 10 years later the number of terrorists, of jihadists, that are today in the world there? I think that this attack has multiplied the number of people that are ready to commit new crimes. So, I think that the use of force should be done, but through legitimate means. And the use of force outside the legitimacy of international law, the side effects are—in this case, it’s evident—more negative than positive. That is my balance.


AARON MATÉ: Peter Kornbluh, turning back to ’73, can you talk about the role of the CIA in supplying lists of dissidents to the Chilean military?


PETER KORNBLUH: There’s some evidence, although it doesn’t really show up in the documents that we have. It was discovered by the Senate committee led by Senator Frank Church, the so-called Church Committee, that investigated U.S. intervention in Chile in the mid-1970s, that the CIA funded a particular institute that was preparing for a coup, that did compile lists of both civilians and people inside the Allende government that would need to be taken care of, if you will, in the event of a coup. The CIA eventually came in, sent a team to help create the Chilean secret police, DINA. I was just in Chile, and there are very few DINA documents available. DINA disappeared their archives, just like they disappeared so many victims.


AMY GOODMAN: The head of DINA was arrested and imprisoned?


PETER KORNBLUH: Manuel Contreras was first prosecuted for the assassination of Orlando Letelier, the former Chilean ambassador to Washington, and his colleague Ronni Karpen Moffitt. And then he was prosecuted again and again and again, and he now is in a prison, has been in a prison, and has an overall sentence of more than 200 years to serve.


But I was saying that the CIA actually sent a team to help advise DINA on infrastructure, on human resources, on kind of the—how you do intelligence operations. And one of the things I found when I was in Chile two weeks ago is that there was actually a manual that the DINA had on how to conduct intelligence that appears to be completely translated from an old U.S. manual from the 1950s. And obviously somebody gave the DINA that manual to use. So there’s a history here of the CIA being involved with Chilean impression, up to the point when Pinochet sends his assassins to Washington, D.C., to commit an act of international terrorism. We’re approaching 9/11 tomorrow. The Letelier assassination car bombing in downtown Washington, D.C., was the first act of state-sponsored international terrorism in the capital city of Washington.


AMY GOODMAN: Very quickly—we just have a minute to go—the current election that’s going on right now in Chile is remarkable. You have two women, one the former president, Michelle Bachelet, right? Two daughters of generals. One may have been responsible for the torture and death of the other, Michelle Bachelet’s father killed. And they were childhood best friends, now running against each other.


PETER KORNBLUH: Well, it’s a historic election, because you have two women contending for the presidency. It’s the first in Latin America. It may be the first in the world, where two women are the leading contenders for—to be president. And because of their backgrounds, of course, and because of the confluence of the 40th anniversary arriving tomorrow in the middle of this election, the history of the coup is kind of front and center in the debate over the issues and the issue of atoning, apologizing for, taking responsibility for those who supported Pinochet. It has suddenly become politically expedient to apologize from the right-wingers, and people even pushing Evelyn Matthei to apologize for her father, to apologize for her family, for their participation in the repression. And this is a sea change politically in Chile, where the country has been divided. But now, really, there’s just very little space for anybody to have supported the coup anymore and feel like they can ever advance politically in Chile. The population has changed. The commemorations around the 40th anniversary, which is tomorrow, have been overwhelming in the press, in the media, cultural events. A beautiful concert called Víctor sin Víctor, on Víctor Jara’s music, just took place last week. It was wonderful and inspirational to see. And it’s a large part due to the effort of Chileans and the effort of the world community to make sure that the coup and its atrocities were repudiated.


AMY GOODMAN: Well, I want to thank you both for being with us, Peter Kornbluh and Juan Garcés. Juan Garcés, by the way, is also winner of the Right Livelihood Award and was at a gathering in Bonn a few years ago, when we also interviewed him, a gathering of about 75 Right Livelihood Award winners who won that award. It was awarded in the Swedish Parliament. Juan Garcés, again, the closest adviser to President Allende. President Allende died in the palace September 11, 1973, 40 years ago. Juan Garcés left the palace, and from that point to today has been not only telling the world about what happened, but holding the forces that deposed Salvador Allende accountable. Thank you so much, both, for being with us.


PETER KORNBLUH: Pleasure.

http://www.democracynow.org/blog/2013/9/10/the_pinochet_file_how_us_politicians_banks_corpora tions_aided_chilean_coup_dictatorship

[monty]

Maybe this author is a Jew also. That doesn't exhonerate the criminal Jew Kissinger


8/99) Kissinger Encouraged Chile's Brutal Repression, New Documents ShowBy Lucy Komisar

The former secretary. who now advises U.S. corporations on foreign issues and writes for a number of U.S. newspapers, dismissed American human rights campaigns against Chile's government as "domestic problems" and assured Pinochet that he was against sanctions such as the proposed Kennedy Amendment to ban arms aid to governments that were gross human rights violators.Still, Kissinger was being pressured by the U.S. media to make a statement on human rights. The OAS report to the Santiago meeting said that mass arrests, torture, and disappearances continued in Chile. An earlier OAS report had detailed those tortures: women beaten, gang raped, and electric current applied to their bodies; men subjected to electric current, especially to their genitals, burned with cigarettes, hung by the wrists or ankles.


So the speech Kissinger would give that afternoon couldn't ignore human rights. It had to be something Republicans could point to -- but it also couldn't offend or weaken Pinochet.
Kissinger wanted Pinochet to know that the speech should not be interpreted as a criticism of Chile. He told him, "I will treat human rights in general terms and human rights in a world context. I will refer in two paragraphs to the report on Chile of the OAS Human Rights Commission. I will say that the human rights issue has impaired relations between the U.S. and Chile. This is partly the result of Congressional actions. I will add that I hope you will shortly remove those obstacles."
He added, "I will also call attention to the Cuba report and to the hypocrisy of some who call attention to human rights as a means of intervening in governments."


But Kissinger suggested to Pinochet that his statements on Chile were calibrated to avoid greater damage to the country. He told him, "I can do no less without producing a reaction in the U.S. which would lead to legislative restrictions. The speech is not aimed at Chile."


And he emphasized that he did not credit the charges. "My evaluation is that you are a victim of all left-wing groups around the world, and that your greatest sin was that you overthrew a government which was going Communist. But we have a practical problem we have to take into account, without bringing about pressures incompatible with your dignity, and at the same time which does not lead to U.S. laws which will undermine our relationship."


"If we defeat the Kennedy amendment -- I don't know if you listen in on my phone," he interjected jocularly, " -- but if you do, you have just heard me issue instructions to Washington to make an all-out effort to do just that -- if we defeat it, we will deliver the F-5E's as we agreed to do. We held up (the fighter planes) for a while in order to avoid providing additional ammunition to our enemies."

http://www.albionmonitor.com/9903a/kissingerchile.html

[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[Shami-Amourae]

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[monty]

Was Augusto Pinochet a Villain or Hero for Chile?Legacy of 1973-1990 Military Ruler Torn between Market Reforms, Human-Rights AbusesFEBRUARY 24, 2015 AT 9:10 AM


http://panampost.com/wp-content/uploads/luis-eduardo-barrueto-debate.jpgNo Buts: Pinochet Was a TyrantBy Luis Eduardo Barrueto
With the September 11, 1973, coup orchestrated by a Chilean military junta, Salvador Allende’s Marxist administration wasn’t the only thing to disappear. With it went Chile’s long tradition of democracy.
Once in power, the regime banned all political activities and cracked down on dissenting voices, particularly during the first months following Allende’s death. Army chief Augusto Pinochet rose to supreme power within a year.
Chile’s National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture estimates that over 40,000 people fell victim to the ensuing dictatorship, 3,000 of which — at the very least — died or disappeared. In addition, around 200,000 Chileans left their country between 1973 and 1990, forced to seek political asylum abroad.
Pinochet defenders usually evoke the free-market policies implemented during his administration as his main redeeming strength.
Allende had indeed brought Chile to the brink of economic collapse and ignited nationwide political conflict, but the military’s only goal was to terminate with the Marxist government, not to inaugurate a liberal experiment.
The free-market reforms that made the later “Chilean miracle” possible were never among Pinochet nor the junta’s goals. Instead, their usual preference was for economic nationalism and a planned economy.
It was only in an attempt to legitimize his excesses with a good track record of economic progress that Pinochet gave in and let the “Chicago Boys” bring their brand of free-market capitalism to the opposite end of the hemisphere.
Not only was a dictatorship unnecessary to put those reforms in place — the rest of Latin America headed in that direction under democratic governments — but they also proved insufficient to secure economic progress for Chile.
The nation lacked the legitimacy needed to attract significant foreign backing. It was only the return to democracy that led to an investment boom, in turn reducing poverty and turning the country into an example heralded throughout the region today.
Pinochet was forced to step down because Chileans realized that economic freedom is insufficient without political freedom.
Those who call themselves advocates for a free society should know better than to defend him by now.
Luis Eduardo Barrueto is a Guatemalan journalist based in London, United Kingdom, currently pursuing a masters degree in journalism and globalization. Follow him @lebarrueto (https://twitter.com/lebarrueto).

http://panampost.com/wp-content/uploads/carlos-sabino-debate-.jpgPinochet Averted CommunismBy Carlos Sabino
Español (http://es.panampost.com/editor/2015/02/24/pinochet-salvador-o-verdugo-de-chile/)To understand and judge people from the past, it’s necessary to consider the circumstances in which they made their decisions, the alternatives available, and the means they had at their disposal. In the case of Augusto Pinochet, this is even more relevant, because there are still unusually passionate discussions about his administration.
In 1970, Salvador Allende won the presidential elections with barely 37 percent of the votes, on a platform that promised to turn Chile into a socialist paradise. Instead, it soon became a nightmare. After a year of a public spending bonanza, the economy slumped: shortages and lines resulted, and workers’ quality of life visibly worsened.
The Allende administration fomented a climate of confrontation and political tension while ignoring laws or applying them arbitrarily. Groups of socialist hardliners were preparing to attain absolute power through violence.
In 1973, Chilean society became even more polarized, and intense conflicts arose after the governing coalition failed to win legislative elections. The perceived alternatives at the time were reduced to just two: an uprising from the radical left, or a nationalistic military coup d’état to prevent Chile from descending into communism.
Was Chile really heading toward communist dictatorship? There’s no definite way to answer the question, but a majority of the population thought so. Many Chileans believed in those ominous times that unless they took drastic measures, the country would head down a dangerous and irreversible path.
Even the Chilean Congress encouraged the army to step in to preserve freedoms and the Constitution, for the military were the only ones with enough power to prevent chaos.
General Pinochet was the head of the Chilean army, which until then had obeyed the government’s orders. But pressure to spur into action augmented with every passing day, and in September, supported by the Chilean navy and air force, Pinochet joined the plotters of the coup d’état. The attack was not bloodless, but it achieved the fundamental goal demanded by most Chileans: ending the communist threat.
It’s true this meant the ousting of a democratically elected president, but could the Allende administration really be called democratic? Was his electoral “triumph” enough to legitimize the imposition of a societal model that most Chileans rejected, amid huge demonstrations and clear warning signs of collapse?
During Pinochet’s coup d’état and his long period in power, violations of human rights undoubtedly took place, but in such circumstances could one really expect something else? The excesses committed during the crackdown of opponents cannot be waved away, but they need to be considered in their historical context.
While we should condemn the brutality of that period, we have to consider two of Pinochet’s most important merits: his handling of the economy and the way he finally stepped down.
The Pinochet government respected the economic liberties of its citizens, freed an economy trapped by a socialist model, and boosted the country’s growth, reducing poverty like never before. Pinochet, unlike Fidel Castro, was also wise enough to hand over power voluntarily. He wasn’t motivated by personal ambition, and while he did help orchestrate a coup against an elected government, the majority of Chilean society then were ready to accept any solution to prevent communism from taking over.
A balanced assessment of his administration comes out as positive: he allowed Chile to return to democracy, all the while promoting the prosperity the country still enjoys today.
Carlos Sabino is a sociologist, writer, and university professor. He is the director of graduate studies in history at the Francisco Marroquín University (https://www.ufm.edu/index.php/Portal) in Guatemala.

http://panampost.com/panam-staff/2015/02/24/was-augusto-pinochet-a-villain-or-hero-for-chile/

[Shami-Amourae]

Pics > tl;dr

[monty]

Pics > tl;dr

I don't understand. :confused:

Shami, I am not defending the communists. This is just another case where the US interfered at the direction of its Jewish handlers for the benefit of the multi-national corporations and bankers.

[monty]

Chile's copper industry is partially nationalized. In 2013 eigthy three percent of the people were in favor of nationalization. The reason? To keep the big multinational corporations from staling the profits of the copper industry.

CHILE
Corporación Nacional del Cobre de ChileShortcut Key Contacts (http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#key-contacts-company) | Shareholders & Subsidaries (http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#shareholders-company) | Related Projects (http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#relatedprojects-company) | Related News (http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#related-news)
(http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#) (http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#) (http://www.bnamericas.com/en/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco/print) (http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco#)



http://w5s.bnamericas.com/bnamericas/multimedia/14200.bmp
Chile's state-controlled miner Corporación Nacional del Cobre (Codelco), considered the world's largest copper and molybdenum producer, is engaged in the exploration, processing and marketing of copper ore resources, molybdenum and other byproducts such as gold doré and sulfuric acid. Founded in 1976, the company today operates through four mining divisions: Codelco Norte (including Chuquicamata and Radomiro Tomic mines), Salvador, Andina, and El Teniente; the Ventanas smelting and refinery division; and miner Gaby. Codelco recently announced plans to separate its Chuquicamata and Radomiro Tomic mines in northern region II into independently managed operations as part of a restructuring plan to improve efficiency, productivity and cost control. It also maintains the world's largest copper reserves, representing more than 70 years of operations at current production levels. The firm's subsidiaries, associates and joint ventures engage in mining, metal trading, power generation and distribution, mining research and development, investment activities, port operations, health, and pension fund administration. Codelco is based in Santiago, Chile.

Corporate name
Corporación Nacional del Cobre de Chile


Tradename
Codelco


Address
Huérfanos 1270, Santiago, Región Metropolitana, Chile


Phone
56-2-26903000 (tel:56-2-26903000), 56-2-26903221 (tel:56-2-26903221)


Fax
56-2-26903059 (tel:56-2-26903059)


Email
comunica@codelco.cl


Website
http://www.codelco.cl/






http://www.bnamericas.com/company-profile/en/corporacion-nacional-del-cobre-de-chile-codelco

[Shami-Amourae]

I don't understand. :confused:

Shami, I am not defending the communists. This is just another case where the US interfered at the direction of its Jewish handlers for the benefit of the multi-national corporations and bankers.

You're posting walls of text that no one will read.

tl;dr means "To Long; Didn't Read"


Young people will look at images, but not take the time to read mountains of text. You're dealing with an autistic audience.

The only anti-Pinochet memes are from Commies and faggots, and they aren't any good.

That's why I'm right.

[Shami-Amourae]

Jewish handlers for the benefit of the multi-national corporations and bankers.

The same could be said about Hitler too. The truth is these people try to fund/control everyone to a degree.

These people care more about money than anything. Some of what they do also blows up in their faces and fucks up their plans.


Pinochet is a successful demonstration of Nationalism. You have a 3rd world Hell-hole run by Communists. A White Nationalist/fascist comes into power. His first move was to fire all the college professors to stop Jew lies. Then he started throwing Commies out of helicopters and started killing them off.

Thanks to his actions Chile became a 2nd/1st world nation despite having Beaners everywhere since the White minority actually won control. Whenever White people take power and turn to Nationalism you seem booming economies and success.


These ideas are the most politically incorrect so many historians and Jewry will go out of their way to discredit and marginalize these successes so Whites have no martyrs or people to rally behind.

[monty]

Having been to Chile and married to a Chilean for eight years I know how deeply the country is divided still today.


http://youtu.be/F6ibj2ZInLk

[cheka.]

anything on kissinger/saudi/gold/embargo/gold drama from the 70's?

the event that turned saudi into nyc/dc's bitch

[monty]

anything on kissinger/saudi/gold/embargo/gold drama from the 70's?

the event that turned saudi into nyc/dc's bitch

I don't know. I'll look.

[monty]

http://28sherman.blogspot.com.co/2013/10/kissinger-saudis-and-birthing.html

http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Intelligence_officers_confirm_Kissinger_role_in_06 26.html

Official Story
https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/oil-embargo

http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=114x14286

[monty]

https://hendersonlefthook.wordpress.com/2014/07/14/the-eight-families-rigged-oil-game/

http://www.ifamericansknew.org/us_ints/oil-boycott.html