PDA

View Full Version : Supreme Court rules in major Eighth Amendment sentencing case



mick silver
26th January 2016, 06:10 AM
Supreme Court rules in major Eighth Amendment sentencing casehttps://s.yimg.com/bt/api/res/1.2/yDByKaroTPhalAANMcX1gQ--/YXBwaWQ9eW5ld3NfbGVnbztxPTg1/http://l.yimg.com/os/152/2012/01/10/ncc-logo3line-color_235559.jpg (http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/) By Jonathan Stahl 2 hours ago





View photo
.
https://s1.yimg.com/bt/api/res/1.2/OAuwiVJYR0Jh.zhXuuHzMQ--/YXBwaWQ9eW5ld3NfbGVnbztxPTg1O3c9MjQw/http://media.zenfs.com/en_us/News/NationalConstitutionCenter/prisoners_kids.jpg
(credit: Jail (https://www.flickr.com/photos/710928003/1254166079/in/photolist-2UPVT6-qWXFFP-yYbrat-rH3ukV-suNfdX-y1macA-bGM5fa-pA8zma-8ZAbj1-kr9nu8-5qYUdi-5ZKy8T-oiotE-fwR4PM-xm9GhE-4z6cwT-87WFSV-qjKKPE-8hbbe-94kc7-4qPDQe-dLZ1SR-KAyGi-5UZtuo-p8hnDC-aztk45-4xKLM9-6bTG4i-y3ZNvN-yWcq5x-EiLNe-yVqbx6-gVmgT-y3ZP65-4qJ4Sk-kzYrJP-q3ndBg-z1233r-4ANcZL-61oMu7-c8cQLh-qPuWVQ-4ieGiT-64buPn-8R8sn1-bVxUhQ-yAKZaV-yXHjxE-9smMoo-6JEXt1))

On Monday, the Supreme Court ruled in Montgomery v. Louisiana (http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/15pdf/14-280_4h25.pdf), one of two cases heard in October (http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/2015/10/an-eighth-amendment-double-header-at-the-supreme-court/) that involve the Eighth Amendment (http://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendments/amendment-viii).
Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote the majority opinion that reversed the lower court’s judgment, and was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts along with Justices Ruth Bader Ginsberg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan.
Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Antonin Scalia, all traditionally members of the Court’s conservative wing, dissented.
In Montgomery, the Court was tasked with determining the extent to which new rules of law apply retroactively. In 2012, the Court ruled in Miller v. Alabama (https://www.oyez.org/cases/2011/10-9646) that mandatory sentencing schemes requiring that “all children convicted of homicide receive lifetime incarcerations without the possibility of parole” violate the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment.
Since 1963, Henry Montgomery has been serving a life sentence after being convicted under such a mandatory sentencing scheme at the age of 17. In light of the ruling in Miller, Montgomery argued that the new standard established in that case should be applied retroactively to his conviction and be dismissed as a violation of the Eighth Amendment.
In 1989, the Supreme Court established the framework for determining when new rules of law, like the one established in Miller, should apply retroactively. The Court decided in Teague v. Lane (https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/489/288/case.html) that, in order to apply retroactively, a new rule must either completely prohibit a punishment that can be imposed on a class of defendants, or be a “watershed rule of criminal procedure” that impacts the fundamental fairness of criminal proceedings.
The Louisiana Supreme Court determined that the rule in Miller does not meet either of these thresholds. Montgomery’s lawyers argued that the Louisiana court erred; in fact, they argued, the standard set in Miller passes both prongs of the test established in Teague. The Court accepted Montgomery’s appeal, but oral arguments largely focused on whether or not the Justices even had the authority to hear the case.
Justice Kennedy dedicated the first half of his opinion in Montgomery to explaining that the Supreme Court does in fact have that authority, and rejecting the argument that only Louisiana state courts can rule on this matter. He wrote that the Miller decision was not an interpretation of federal statute or a procedural rule, but was rather a “new substantive rule of constitutional law.”
Since the Louisiana state court ruled to enforce a penalty that is banned by the Constitution, the “resulting conviction or sentence is, by definition, unlawful,” and subject to review by the Supreme Court. In this discussion, Justice Kennedy clarified potential ambiguities from Teague, and forcefully wrote that no court can uphold a conviction or sentence that violates a substantive rule of constitutional law, regardless of when the conviction became final or when the rule was announced. “There is no grandfather clause that permits States to enforce punishments the Constitution forbids,” Kennedy wrote, for doing so would undercut essential substantive guarantees of the Constitution.
The decision then turned to the question of whether Miller’s prohibition on mandatory life sentencing schemes did indeed establish a substantive rule of constitutional law. Justice Kennedy explained that protection against disproportionate punishment is the “central substantive guarantee of the Eighth Amendment,” and cites precedent from Miller and other juvenile criminal justice cases that established that mandatory life sentencing for children is in fact disproportionate. Noting that Teague sought to balance finality in the courts with the liberty interests of those subjected to rules later found to be unconstitutional, Kennedy determined that Miller announced a substantive rule of constitutional law and needed to be applied retroactively.
The end of the majority opinion gives some guidance to lower courts and states for how to move forward in light of this decision, and notes that the decision does not require states to re-litigate every sentence and conviction in which a juvenile defendant was convicted to mandatory life without parole. A state can remedy the situation by having these offenders considered for parole, such that this rule can be applied without having to disturb the finality of convictions.
In his dissent, Justice Scalia asserted that the Court does not have the authority to hear the case, and that the decision it came to was erroneous. He argued that a state court “need only apply the law as it existed at the time a defendant’s conviction became final,” and that the Constitution does not demand that rules like the one established in Miller be applied to cases already finalized.
The dissenters pushed back on the majority’s contention that the Constitution has no “grandfather clause” and point to the principle of finality, under which states are not required to reverse punishments that were constitutional when they were originally imposed.
In a separate dissent, Justice Thomas echoed the sentiments expressed in the opinion of Justice Scalia, and wrote that “today’s decision repudiates established principles of finality.”
Sentencing in criminal cases is an issue that has been addressed by all three branches of government in recent months. As this decision is handed down, the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act (https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/114/s2123) is being considered in Congress and has garnered bipartisan support. Earlier this month, President Obama mentioned criminal justice reform in his State of the Union (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michael-collins/state-of-the-union-criminal-justice_b_8973614.html) address, and expressed hope that Congress will update what advocacy groups like the American Civil Liberties Union feel is an outdated and unfair system.
Jonathan Stahl is an intern at the National Constitution Center. He is also a senior at the University of Pennsylvania, majoring in politics, philosophy and economics.
Recent Stories on Constitution Daily
Latest CRS report discusses presidential birthplace issue (http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/2016/01/latest-crs-report-discusses-presidential-birthplace-issue/)
Video: Robert Gates on presidential race, quality of leadership (http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/2016/01/video-gates-on-presidential-race-quality-of-leadership/)
Podcast: What’s next for free speech? (http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/2016/01/podcast-whats-next-for-free-speech/)


Politics & Government
Society & Culture
Supreme Court
Justice Anthony Kennedy
Antonin Scalia
constitutional law
Louisiana Supreme Court
mandatory sentencing
Chief Justice John Roberts

palani
26th January 2016, 06:18 AM
Legislated punishments are forbidden by U.S. constitution. They are called BILLS OF ATTAINDER and include the less fatal BILLS OF PAINS AND PUNISHMENTS. The reason they are forbidden is that the legislative branch cannot impose conditions on the judicial branch. The issue is separation of powers.

Each branch of government is supposed to be separate and independent of the other two branches. Amjur 2nd describes administrative law as being the fourth branch of government that incorporates executive, legislative and judicial. The only problem is that this so-called administrative branch violates every principle that government was founded upon.

When you find yourself in Oz don't be surprised if you find law is not black and white but now comes in full living technicolor.

Glass
26th January 2016, 05:23 PM
Legislated punishments are forbidden by U.S. constitution. They are called BILLS OF ATTAINDER and include the less fatal BILLS OF PAINS AND PUNISHMENTS. The reason they are forbidden is that the legislative branch cannot impose conditions on the judicial branch. The issue is separation of powers.

Each branch of government is supposed to be separate and independent of the other two branches. Amjur 2nd describes administrative law as being the fourth branch of government that incorporates executive, legislative and judicial. The only problem is that this so-called administrative branch violates every principle that government was founded upon.

When you find yourself in Oz don't be surprised if you find law is not black and white but now comes in full living technicolor.

This is how we look at things in the land of Aus. (pronounced the same as OZ). A fine, levy, expiation, and maybe one other thing I can't recall are all Unlawful without a conviction in court.

This means that only a court upon conviction can issue a fine or levy or expiation notice. All other organisations who issue these are comitting fraud and in many cases making demands with menace. They threaten to steal or destroy the property of the party they are going against, unless that party pays up. As there is no legal basis for this, then it is threats with menace.

So it is important that every traffic fine, parking ticket, council fine or charge, Government agency fine and Taxation Office penalties be protested and fought in court. The success rate has been very good and a lot of positive things have happened in the last 2 years since the fight became wide spread.

It would seem to me to be another act of stupidity for people to try and work out "what replacement legislation" is needed to bring about a change to a law which is unlawful at it's core. You simply nullify it and everyone affected by it is dealt with on that basis.

Seems a lot of jaw boning and time wasting going on about nothing that these people can really fix with new legislation. It's simple. Nullify it and move on.

palani
26th January 2016, 06:20 PM
nothing that these people can really fix with new legislation. It's simple. Nullify it and move on.
There is no legislative act that is directed to people. These acts are directed toward license holders, commercial entities, traders and the like. They are actually a good thing because these types cannot be self-governing. They are involved with profits and loss, earning a living (note here ... you actually earn your living by actually living), saving for retirement and the like. So don't get me wrong. I heartily agree with statutes but as long as I stay out of commerce and licensed activities they really don't apply to me at all.

Statutes are sort of like stop signs. In the U.S. (and probably Australia as well) all signs, traffic, municipal boundaries, names of rivers and streets) are all surrounded by a border. Things within borders are for information only. It is nice that people come to a complete stop to make sure there is no possibility of an accident but if you checked both ways and all around and there is nothing heading your way I see no reason to obey a sign simply for the sake of pretending you are obeying some form of law.